The same acuity that is evident in John Calvin's theological writings accompanied his correspondence. Calvin's mission was not to support God, but to honour him. Divine revelation and the glory of God underlie the content of his letters. The audacious confidence with which he writes, reveals his utter reliance upon the veracity of Scripture, which understanding must be conveyed through sound teaching. Yet, his letters are not inundated with scriptural references or quotes in the fashion of a medical prescription. Rather the connection between Scripture and writing for Calvin were twofold: it lies in the foundations of sound theology applied pastorally. This undergirded his pastoral care. To bring that across in his correspondence with Duchess Renata Ferrara, he followed basic doctrinal principles, evident from many of his letters applied pastorally to the recipient(s) of the letter.
Although letter writing has been part of the progress of civilisation for the past 500 years there is some doubt about the continuing practices of the ‘art of letter writing’
The impact of Calvin's correspondence cannot be underestimated. His writings circulated in every country of Europe, and he was a second-generation … error took the place of truth and Calvin loved truth, and error rent the body of Christ, the church, and so dishonoured the Redeemer God, and Calvin loved God with all his heart. (pp. 65–66)
Calvin did not only stand up against the error of Roman Catholicism, but also against error in Protestantism, and it is this spirit of activism that he also brought to bear in his correspondence. Calvin's counselling of individuals by letter must be seen separately from the actual pastoral involvement he had with the congregation in Geneva, adequately attested to by Witte and Kingdon (
If his letters seem harsh at times it must be understood in terms of his zeal for truth and his love for God and the church; he is ever the pastor of the flock.
To establish the outline of general guidelines in Calvin's letter writing,
Calvin does not struggle to transfer his theology into a pastoral situation. He does so without losing the sense of his conviction about the truth he is conveying and also at the expense of insensitively addressing the recipient of the letter. For that reason, he is not found to be theologically eclectic in his writing, but, as will be shown, applies basic theological guidelines, which may be usefully applied in most practical theological situations. In this sense, he seems to deliver theology as a key, practically applied with depth of insight, seldom found beyond these pages. Bonnet's collection of letters is referred to because of its availability in English and occasionally supplement them from the
Some historical background is provided to give a sense of the urgency and immense responsibility that Calvin shouldered in writing to so prominent a person as the Duchess of Ferrara. Also evident is the maturing of his pastoral episcopate
The pro-evangelical cousins – Renée of France, also known as Renata the Duchess of Ferrara (-1575) and Renata di Ferrara, daughter
The Duchess of Ferrara's court
She had been married by proxy
Whilst it is evident that Renata suffered for her faith,
More recently, Barton (
Sometimes her conscience would militate against her actions, but in deference to her husband, she sought to please him as far as she could. Nevertheless, Hercules allowed her to be charged as a heretic, which she resisted until she was forbidden to see her children. She recanted (1554), but consistently refused to join in any form of Roman Catholic worship. Calvin's letters to her were ‘frank and imperious in tone’, according to Wendel (
Calvin's letters to her reveal ‘the heart-searching nature of his religious principles’ (Young
A glimpse into Calvin's circumstances and some ecclesial changes serve to set this letter contextually. By 1541, the catholic reformation was gaining momentum, and the Societas Iseu (Jesuit order) was finally approved by Pope Paul 3 in 1540. In the same year, Calvin returned from Strasbourg to resume his ministry in Geneva on 13 September. Calvin French translation of the
In Calvin's letter to the duchess, he makes it clear that he is mindful of his own call as a minister of the faith. In principle, this knowledge set the pastoral relationship and the boundaries between them. Though mindful of her welfare and advantage, he is more interested in the fact that, due to her status, she is in a position of influence, which could be well used ‘… because, more than most princely persons, you are able to promote and advance the kingdom of Christ’ (Bonnet
Only then does Calvin address the trouble bothering the duchess of which he had been informed by visitors and by Madame de Pons (see Bonnet
Calvin professes that the matter of the Lord's Supper occupied him for some time and suggested that the Lord had given him some insight into the matter: ‘… it has pleased the Lord to reveal himself to me in Scriptures’(Bonnet
Calvin's counsel is direct and explicit. He extensively justifies his comment (Bonnet
Following the dictum, ‘after having understood the will of God, give advice’ (Bonnet
Calvin does not hesitate to pressure the duchess to commitment. Having set forth the word of God, he urges (Bonnet Well, then, Madame, seeing that it has pleased the Lord God, of his goodness and infinite compassion, to visit you with the knowledge of his name, and to enlighten you in the truth of his holy Evangel, acknowledge your calling to which he has called you. (p. 304)
For the duchess not to do so would mean that she would remain in spiritual darkness and reveal her ingratitude to the Saviour. However, to do so would mean to embark upon a journey of continually growing in the knowledge of God, a journey of growth that will only cease at death. Fuller knowledge will come as God illumines and consequently, the heart and mind glorify him (Bonnet
This letter was penned after Lyon Jamet, secretary to the duchess, visited Calvin in Geneva. Renata faced the greatest challenge to her faith yet. Her nephew, Henry II of France (1519–1559) and no friend of Protestants, had set his sights on conquering Italy and had expressed his dismay at the accusations of heresy, claiming that she had strayed from the faith (Blaisdell
Despite the danger Calvin comforts Renata, assuring her that he would have taken the place of François de Morel (Monsieur de Colonges), but circumstances did not permit that. Nevertheless, taking into consideration the immense pressures she was facing with regards to her Protestant faith, De Morel was the most suitable person to aid her in doctrine and the matter of alms.
By 07 September 1554, she had been declared a heretic and treated as a pariah and she recanted. Calvin wanted to communicate with her, but missed the opportunity to do so, as few could be trusted to carry his letters (Bonnet
The lack of news from her did not allow Calvin to serve as a consistent counsellor. This did, however, not prevent him from interpreting her state of peace as the devil's triumph and her recantation as compliance with the world (Bonnet
In his letter of 10 June, Calvin recognises that Renata's continuing struggle to maintain a clear confession of her faith is given to her as an experience of a diabolical trial, but should ultimately be seen to be the Father's test (Bonnet
Deep concern is expressed for the duchess’ continued spiritual walk in the faith. She should, with conscious effort, persist in growing her faith, with or without a counsellor, though the latter would prove to be of benefit (Bonnet
Having heard that she faced opposition to the cause of the gospel within her own household, he counsels her to remove such persons and follow the example of David (Ps 101), even at the risk of suffering their slander as a consequence (Bonnet
On her husband's deathbed, Renata took an oath not to communicate with Calvin any longer – an oath she did not keep. Calvin regarded it his pastoral duty to inform her that her oath compares to that of Herod, the fulfilment of which was accompanied by excessive adherence (Bonnet I desire your prosperity, Madame, as much as possible; but if the elevation and grandeur of the world should prevent you from approaching to God, I should be a traitor to your interests in making you believe that black is white. (p. 122)
Calvin shows that his counsel also extends to mundane matters. Though he formerly advised her to entrust burdensome administrative tasks to suitable persons and in her pursuit of good works to remain ‘callous to censure while doing good’ (Bonnet
The duchess’ daughter, Anna d'Este
The church, Calvin reminds Renata, is God's, who is its protector, implying that such opposition would be to invoke the God of the Church as enemy. To that end, he exhorts Renata to exercise whatever parental authority and powers she had to caution Anne to moderation, implying that Anne should bring to bear whatever influence she had upon the Duke of Guise.
Despite threats from all sides, Renata welcomed anyone seeking help and asylum at Montargis, her estate. In light of her previous track record of capitulating in the face of strong demand and opposition, she persisted to extend Christian hospitality. Calvin is convinced that this was possible because ‘… God has strengthened you during the rudest assaults … not being ashamed to bear the opprobrium of Jesus Christ’ (Bonnet I cannot do you higher honour than in expressing myself thus, to commend and recognize the humanity which you have exercised towards the children of God who found a refuge with you. (p. 314)
However, Calvin also needs to deal pastorally with two household matters. Renata is harbouring an adulterer at Montargis, a blight, which will cause the ungodly to revel in gossip (Bonnet
In 1562, the Duke of Guise's command led to the bloody massacre of Huguenots, worshipping at Vassy. Though Guise escaped one attempt to assassinate him, he did not escape the second at Orléans in 1563 by Huguenot Jean de Poltrot
Just months before Calvin's death, he again wrote to the Duchess of Ferrara. In this matter, Calvin has very little preamble and immediately goes to the matter at hand. The duchess is disturbed by, in her opinion, the continual harshness and lack of charity by Christians in their references and discussions of her late son-in-law, and she is appealing to Calvin to intercede for and advise her. The truth is, as Calvin reminds her, that the duke did kindle a conflagration against a good cause, presumably referring to the congregation in the process of worshipping God (Bonnet
Calvin exhorts the duchess to take, as it were, a step back from the situation and to consider the situation rationally from a biblical perspective (Bonnet
Sound biblical knowledge was crucial for Calvin. In its corpus, the will of God may be discerned and is the cause that awakens the soul. For that reason, the duchess is reminded that she is not the only one to have suffered ‘… anguish and bitterness during these horrible troubles that have fallen out’ (Bonnet
Because of the absence of facts, another matter about some conflict between persons associated with the duchess’ household (Bonnet
Calvin's pressure to commitment is evident in these letters. Temptation to hate and hatred, in this writer's opinion, seems to underlie most of the issues dealt with in this letter. A general maxim of correct behaviour would be to emulate that of Christ, who always sought to do good and so exposed evil. Hatred has no place in such behaviour. It leads to prejudice and obfuscates the love for the unworthy. To that, the duchess is now urged, with God's strength, to commit herself (Bonnet
Despite this letter to the duchess, the next letter to her (Bonnet
In the words of Blaisdell ( Calvin seems to have reserved no more sympathy for women than for men. While he may have thought of woman as the weaker vessel, in spiritual matters he treated her as if she were equal to man. (p. 74)
For that reason, the manner of pastoral care, identified from his letters to Renata, may equally apply to any person.
From the above study, it is obvious that Calvin's pastoral care cannot easily be reduced to a set of ordered, structured guidelines or even principles. Even in letter writing, such a reduction would have to take into account the complexity of the situation and of the person addressed. Consequently, there does not seem to be a single formula. Notwithstanding, some general guidelines will be identified as they were the most obviously employed by Calvin in serving as the Duchess of Ferarra's counsellor: Thoughtful consideration of her plight and requests for Christian companions led Calvin to consider that the essential traits necessary for a Christian are clear doctrinal guidance and commitment to the cause of standing by a fellow Christian. Rather than being judgemental when dealing with matters such as her backsliding and rash taking of an oath, these hurdles should be seen as obstacles to be dealt with by God's compassion and to stir one towards a victory of faithful obedience to Christ. There is not much to gain from comparing infinitesimally small advances with significant advances in faith. Rather, trust in the promises of God should be pre-eminent, for both reflect the work God has initiated and will bring to completion. A change in circumstances requires thoughtful consideration of options, not least of how one might best serve the gospel cause even to the extent of bringing parental influence to bear upon a married daughter. There is no spiritual caution if the role of the devil and his wiles is not touched upon. A clear understanding of forgiveness lies in the fact that it is God who forgives regardless of anyone's commendation or condemnation.
From the above, it is reasonable to expect any reformed counselling to at least include some of the insights of Calvin when applying the guidelines discerned in his pastoral care. Proceeding from reason and intelligibility to the honour and glory of God underlies all counselling, because, for Calvin, doctrine transforms the whole person, evident in holy living. Whatever guidelines or principles are employed, any Christian counsel should seek to keep the glory of God in mind.
The author declares that he has no financial or personal relationship(s) that may have inappropriately influenced him in writing this article.
Baker (
Garfield (
Philip Melanchthon,
Lefèvre was regarded as the father of the reformation in France (Fisher
This is the basis of Johnson's argument in the matter of Servetus, ‘
For instance, of the book of Psalms, he says, ‘I have been accustomed to call this book, I think not inappropriately, “An anatomy of all the parts of the soul” for there is not an emotion of which any one can be conscious that is not here represented as in a mirror’ (Calvin
The earliest compilation of the letters was mainly by Charles de Jonvilliers, who served as Calvin's secretary, under the watchful eye of Beza, now included in the
‘Was he a man of system?’ asks Cottret (
Calvin (
Van 't Spijker (
If Renée of France had been a man, she would have succeeded her father, Louis XII, to the French throne (Stjerma
The spelling changes are often dictated by the author of this article.
D'Aubigne (
Renata followed her husband, Hercules II of Esté and a grandson of Pope Alexander VI, in a marriage arranged for diplomatic advantage to Ferrara in 1528. At the time of Calvin's visit, she was having marital problems, taking comfort in religion (Wendel
Calvin used the pseudonym Charles d'Esperville while in Ferrara (Van 't Spijker
It is necessary to mention that, at the time, there was large troop movements because of tensions between Charles V and Francis I (Van't Spijker
It is likely that she had read Le Fevre's translation of the New Testament into French (1523).
She was not famous for her beauty. In fact, her husband, upon meeting her for the first time, is said to have exclaimed, ‘But madame Renée is not beautiful’ (Stjerma
At the same court, Calvin also met Anne de Parthenay, Countess of Marennes, who engaged him in theological conversations, which ultimately led to her conversion to Christ (D'Aubigne
Calvin thought that he, amongst others, was compromised when the evangelical Jehanet walked out of a traditional Good Friday service (14 April), venerating the cross at a particularly awkward time, refusing to take further part in the ceremony. This drew attention to the number of evangelicals sheltered by the Duchess at court (McGrath
Renata's court also suffered at the hands of the Catholic Inquisition (Stjerma
Both Protestants and Catholics claim her allegiance. Her will contained a long confession of faith, ‘reading much like the
Catholic sources generally stress her piety and relationship to the church whereas Protestants stress her relationship to Calvin (Stjerma
One of the most remarkable was Olympia Morato ‘the marvel of her age’, a prodigy who, at the age of 13, commanded Greek, Latin and classical history, some rhetoric and philosophy and wrote poetry in the fashion of the ancients she was reading. Renata appointed her to be instructress to her daughter, Anna d'Este, who was eight years old. Together they studied the scriptures in Greek (Young
To this end, Blaisdell (
The comment (Stjerma
There were immense dangers in a public confession of faith, even for the nobility. The Duchess of Ferrara and Margueritte de Navarre chose to keep such professions private and let their actions speak for themselves (Blaisdell
Anne de Pathenay was a Protestant and French, and a very close friend of the duchess. Her husband, Antoine de Pons’ relationship with the duchess caused some speculation, which caused a blot on her otherwise unblemished life as wife and Christian. Long before this (1543), Anne Pons was also accused of spreading rumours about the Duke's plans to harm his wife (Stjerma
Bonnet states that this phrase appears in the margin of the letter in Calvin's handwriting. The phrase must not be confused with Augustine's ‘If you understand it, it is not God’ (
Jesuit surveillance, spies in Renata's court, pressure from Rome about its suspicions concerning Ercole's wife, an intercepted letter to Calvin from her requesting him to send her a counsellor, the refusal to allow last rites to be administered to her dying servitor, Ippolito Putti, and the refusal to make her children go to confession before partaking of holy communion, drove Ecole to distraction. As a consequence, she faced the formidable inquisitor, Matthew Ory (Oriz) (Barton
The position of almoner was probably the way in which Renata was able to ensure the employ of the pastor.
Rumours spread by Mark, the Italian (Bonnet
She never committed herself to either Catholicism or Protestantism, not following the Calvinist line and overt expression of faith as her mother did. In fact, she seemed to apply herself to both though her children and grandchildren were outspoken Roman Catholics.
Read Protestant/Calvinist/Reformed/non-Catholic.
Though applied to the examination of people before partaking in the Holy Communion, the principle was that it was for the well-being of the church. It was not regarded as essential to the church as the
Under torture, in the midst of much confusion and contradiction, he mentioned the name of Coligny, which was deemed evidence of the admiral's complicity in the assassination of the Duke of Guise.
Matters came to a head when Coligny died in 1572, followed by the fanatical massacre on St. Bartholomew's Day.
The letter of 24 January 1564 ends abruptly without furnishing further details.