Protestant teaching questioned the redemptive value of Roman Catholic spirituality of the 16th century. Consequently many monks and nuns were led to leave their monasteries and convents. Elisabeth von Meseritz was a nun who found her way to Wittenberg. There she married and wrote the first protestant hymn as a woman clearly supportive of the Lutheran Reformation. The simplicity of Elisabeth’s story is a projection from one major event of her life to another ignoring the complexity of contexts and influences upon her which continued to shape her life. Instead of only focusing on the obvious highpoints of her story this article allows for the development of a fuller story that enriches understanding of an early protestant of the 16th century, a woman of the Lutheran Reformation.
Much of the Reformation of the early 16th century was localised in cities. A distinction may be made from the larger generic national or regional reformations. Moeller (
Consequently new slants introduced to the accepted narrative challenged monocausal attempts so as to capture more of the narrative’s complexity (Holt
Social exploration generated new interest regarding the cities of the Reformation. Progress of Lutheran theology within the confines of the city limits became the dynamic theology of its citizens, especially evident in the ‘free cities’ (Classen & Settle
Gender issues in these early reformation cities were already evident. Despite their numbers in the cities, which often eclipsed the male population, women were generally excluded from formal involvement in civic structures and processes (Po-Chia Hsia
The leading male reformers’ views of women, their nature, and their proper God-given roles had immediate social relevance and helped to circumscribe the participation of women in shaping the Reformation during the sixteenth century and later. (p. 179)
Spierling (
This article mainly seeks to trace the lifestory of Elisabeth Cruciger who found herself in Wittenberg
Traditionally the household of early modern Europe was patriarchal, the man as husband and father ruled the household and served as provider (Hendrix
Women often entered convents because of men’s decisions (Harris
In facing decisions of domestication women also faced ‘the beast of sexuality that had always haunted the sacrament of marriage and had forever tainted the act of procreation with the sin of lust’
Erikson’s psychobiography of the young Martin Luther (1993) is a psychological analysis which follows the theme that Luther’s story centres on an identity crisis,
Insight from Gilligan (
This generic lifestory model may also be applied to Elisabeth Cruciger’s lifestory as well. For the sake of brevity this will not be a lifescript focusing on repetitive scenarios cluttering a lifestory, but will follow a more ontological approach to the self. Significant historical events of her lifestory will be mentioned in brief with reference to some societal dynamics of her environment, the city. These will help to serve to identify the person she was and why she did things that way.
A geographical stretch of land adjoining the sea and situated between Germany and Poland was historically known as Pomerania,
Elisabeth did not simply enter Marienbusch Abbey in Treptow an der Rega (today Trzebiatów) and then leave for Wittenberg. There is far more to the story than that. There is background that should be taken into consideration. The abbey was closely situation to the monastery of Belbuck (also known as Belbuk) situated on the hill dominating the town of Treptow an der Rega. Its austerity and pastoral ministry in parishes close by was a shared ministry by monks and nuns on equal footing in accordance with its premonstratensian
In 1504 Johannes Bugenhagen
Reformational preaching attacked the Roman Catholic Church’s interpretation of spirituality. It exposed the so-called mystical power and efficacy of the eucharist and any redemptive value of prayer and sacrifice (McNamara
New alternatives for ministry were preached. These days of early Reformation were without an institutionalised church and so with the promise of the priesthood of believers ‘renegade’ nuns eagerly sought opportunities ‘to play a more pastoral role’ in communities (McNamara
This sketch is suggestive of the dynamics that were at work in Treptow an der Rega and in the abbeys. That Elisabeth von Meseritz was stirred by these and other teachings is evident in her decision to leave the convent.
When Elisabeth von Meseritz came to Wittenberg in 1521 or 1522 it already was a town deeply infected by reformational principles formulated by Martin Luther and others. Clearly she was no stranger to the principle of religious reform, nor was she a stranger to spiritual songs and its music. Here, in Wittenberg, new songs were being sung attesting to new insights into the Christian faith.
From 1518 to 1525 a number of scholars, amongst others Philip Melanchthon (1497–1560), Justus Jonas (1493–1555) and Johannes Bugenhagen (1485–1558) were attracted to the humanism and theology of the University of Wittenberg (Wengert 2014:491) and not least the new insights of Martin Luther (1483–1546). But life also took its normal course. Johannes Bugenhagen’s first attempt to get married failed but he finally married in 1522 to Walpurga.
Bugenhagen later officiated at Luther’s wedding in 1525. Elisabeth, whose theology was largely based on Bugenhagen’s teaching, must have been encouraged to learn that his private lectures proved to be popular with students. So much so that the faculty of the university approved his Christological interpretation of the psalms and with Melanchthon’s backing he was approved as a lecturer
When Elisabeth von Meseritz fled the cloister and found her way to Wittenberg she became part of the Bugenhagen household. She knew that contrary to her former catholic teaching in Wittenberg the Lutheran Reformation brought different views to bear on marriage and the priesthood of believers. These considerations were possible because marriage was not regarded as a sacrament in the Wittenberg theology.
One of the women she met was Katharina von Bora (1499–1552)
Caspar arrived in Wittenberg providentially. His parents escaped the plague raging in Leipzig. He soon distinguished himself as a student and captured Melanchthon’s attention (Wengert 2014:492). It is probable that Elisabeth von Meseritz composed a hymn in 1524 the same year the former nun married Caspar Cruciger (known as ‘the elder’), in a ceremony officiated by Luther. Two children were born to them, viz. Elisabeth Cruciger the younger, (who married Rector Kegel and on his death, Hans Luther) and Caspar Cruciger, the younger.
For the renegade nun to renege on her vows of chastity was a serious matter. But in Wittenberg she found peace about the matter. For the reformers marriage was a matter of theology but for the Catholics it was about morality (Fudge
Katharina modelled her wifely ministry in pouring her energy into her household and husband, her theological comprehension
Probably because Caspar was initially a humanist it was decided to facilitate his maturation as theologian. To gain practical experience in teaching and evangelical ministry he (and by implication his wife) was sent to Amsdork to teach at a Latin school, the Magdeburg’s Johannisschule (Wengert 2014:392). It is not without significance that the plague (Black Death) struck Wittenberg in 1527.
Associated with his teaching appointment was that of preacher of the Castle Church congregation. Elisabeth had to adjust to her husband’s call and duties. She was the wife of a prominent Wittenberg reformer and preacher, a confidant of Luther and who shared in the scrutiny that comes from the public when a pastoral couple fulfil a visible position in public. In 1533, Elisabeth’s husband had the distinction of being promoted Doctor of Theology at the University of Wittenberg.
Elisabeth Cruciger died in 1535 in Wittenberg. She was about 35 years old.
Not only do the consequences of nailing 95 theses to the Schloßkirche’s (also known as All Saints’ Church)
The emotional appeal of the Lutheran Chorale with its combination of a strong forceful text and a rugged melody probably had more to do with the first success of the Reformation movement than all the theological arguments. (p. 168)
Contextually this implied that clear cut theology accompanied the singing of these songs, already evident in the 1524 publication of the
Wherever the Lutheran Reformation found a foothold the mission of reforming cities and ecclesial institutions had a profound influence on one another. Not least was the ‘spread of the Wittenberg message through their hymns’
That Luther regarded it as a spiritual matter is clear from the following. He was persuaded regarding the spiritual usefulness of music
I am not ashamed to confess publicly that next to theology there is no art which is the equal of music, for she alone, after theology, can do what otherwise only theology can accomplish, namely, quiet and cheer up the soul of man. (p. 162, footnote 5)
Luther ‘saw in it a venue to get in touch with the transcendental, divine wisdom’ (Doukhan
Another echo of this view of preaching theology in song was Paul Speratus (1483–1551). It was probably during his Moravian imprisonment, that he wrote
The first Lutheran hymnal ‘
There is some attribute to ‘Elisabeth M.’ (Meseritz?) in 1528 but in 1529 her full married name gets credited to the hymn.
The third stanza of the hymn reads: ‘
The stanzas have been interpreted to convey
Stanza 1: solus Christus (only Christ or Christ alone).
Stanza 2: Christ’s work is considered.
Stanza 3: Petition to the Holy Spirit to minister to the dual opposites of taste-thirst, a longing for the coming kingdom of God.
Stanza 4: Power of the continued message God is impressing upon his people.
Stanza 5: Justification is by faith alone and undergirds repentance.
The non-conformist William Jenkyn (1612–1685) stated incisively, almost a hundred years later that ‘praise shall conclude that work which prayer began’ (Goldie & Spurr
Though innovative it is a far cry from Leonard Sweet’s
When it comes to making life changing decisions, Elisabeth Cruciger, née von Meseritz, is an example of responding to God by faith. She bucked the church’s institution of the security of a convent and arrived single in a foreign town full of dynamic church changes and debate. She got married and together with her husband, Caspar, they must be seen as reformers. They were a couple undivided in their promotion of the Reformation, each following the path in which their gifts allowed them to serve.
The role of music in church worship has changed from a past elevation of a mystic element in music to present day tolerance (Doukhan
‘Today’s youth are, on the contrary, expecting a real and lasting message, even if it is a difficult one’ (Doukhan
The author declares that he has no financial or personal relationship(s) that may have inappropriately influenced him in writing this article.
‘The German city in the later Middle Ages tended to view itself in miniature as a corpus christianum’ (interpretation – RP).
Much more was at stake though, such as that the Reformation replaced outdated superstition and religion, and studied the socially constructed groups who were to support these traditional claims (Holt 2003).
Holt (2003:136ff.) is not unaware that divorced from doctrine the emphasis on social issues leads to general religion and so to a loss of reformational distinctives.
Moeller (1972) suggests that the contrasts of impact of the Reformation on cities in the north (free cities) and south (imperial cities) of Germany will add to the understanding of the degree of acceptance of the movement and its impact.
Wittenberg incorporates the name of its Saxon founder, Wittekind, the younger (cf. Aikin 1989:28).
I am well aware of the multiplicity of social adaptations to include dimensions as diverse as culture, politics, finances, worship and so on. Social adaptation in this article will generally apply to its all-inclusive generic form unless stated otherwise.
At least ten German protestant clergy wrote a number of pamphlets pertaining to marriage at the time. Hendrix (1995:179) mentions that nine of the clergy had been former priests or monks, Veit Dietrich being the single exception. The pamphlets in the main dealt with five topics, viz. Sexual vulnerability of men; Sexual expression and restraint; The burdens of marriage; The benefits and costs of support; Blame and consideration (Bainton 2013:307ff.; Hendrix 1995).
Not only was the role of women uncertain but even that of men within this doctrine, viz. the accusations of Anabaptists with Lutheran emphasis on ordination (Scribner 1987:126).
Spierling (2012:180ff.) suggests that Lutheran theology impacted the 1520s manifestly but partially in some areas.
Historically the matter was generally related to Augustine’s
Purported to have invented or at least first used the term probably because it emerged from his own personal crises.
Implicit is control to the extent of being dictatorial.
Zook (2002:373, 381–382) makes a case for gendered history, distinguishing between women’s and men’s histories showing how each conformed throughout history.
‘Identity is more than ideology’ and may develop into a lifestory model. This may be developed, with more complexity than necessary for this article, along four major components: ‘
McAdams follows a psychoanalytic approach using lifestory, whereas Plato viewed story as a step(s) removed from reality and thus the truth (McAdams 1988:51; cf.
I will not extend this article to include lifestory in its metaphorical sense, though this obviously may lead to some interesting insights about Elisabeth Cruciger. McAdams (1988:60ff.) has some insightful suggestions for this approach.
Hendrix (1995), for instance suggests a masculine taxonomy arising from the pamphlets on marriage by protestant preachers during the Lutheran Reformation in Germany, viz. sexual vulnerability, sexual expression and restraint, the burdens of marriage, the benefits and the costs of support, blame and consideration.
The names referred to vary in spelling, for instance Elisabethe, Kreuziger, Creutziger, Crützigeryn, Cruziger, Crucigerin.
Pomerania is generally referred to as Pomorze in Polish and Pommern in German.
Formerly known for its austerity the order was founded by St. Norbert in 1120. He was of noble birth, ascetic and charismatic. Though committed to the Rule of St. Augustine it was also influenced by the Cistercian rule, probably because of its founder’s Benedictine ties. Six preachers emerged from this group of Premonstratensians, one of whom was Abbot Bodewan (Scribner 1987:127; cf. footnote 12).
He was affectionately called
Bugenhagen became known as the father of the
In this writing ‘Luther wrecks the doctrinal structure of the papacy down to its very foundations’ and as consequence Bugenhagen exclaims ‘The whole world is blind and living in Cimmerian darkness. This man alone sees the truth’ (Ruccius 1925:20; cf. footnote 9).
After some mergers with other denomination it is known today as the Pomeranian Evangelical Church, combining both Lutheran and reformed persuasions.
See Luther’s letter of 15 January 1534 to the Abbess of Hervord about expectations for ministry: ‘But we beg your Grace, in what concerns the necessary Church offices, to bear with patience the circumstances of these times, and not to seek your rights too sharply in every thing’ (Luther 1865:79).
Junghans (2003) says: ‘Luther, Jonas, Bugenhagen, and Melanchthon are the reformers of the core group in Wittenberg, who develop protestant theology through their fruitful collaborations and shape the protestant church order through their participation in church and school visitations’ (p. 30).
Justus Jonas (1493–1555) was another ‘renegrade priest’ who soon got married after Luther’s published pamphlet.
Luther’s ‘chain’ was the mother of the Reformation, also called ‘Mrs. Reformation’ (VanDoodewaard 2013).
One of the first ‘
The marriage of renegade priest and nun invoked violent responses. Thomas More, for instance viewed broken vows an indictment on protestant theology serving to discredit it in contrast to Luther’s view that it served as a firm witness to the gospel (Fudge 2003:345).
It is said that Luther, determined to marry ‘to spite the devil and the pope, please my father, and set an example’, married her. Katharina Luther responded a bit differently days after her wedding: ‘I have to train the doctor a little differently so that he does what I want’ (Mattox 2003:67, footnote 1).
Some women, for instance Argula von Grumbach were actively involved in promoting and defending the Reformation. Magdalene Heymair (c. 1530–1586) in Augsburg rewrote the epistles in song to make them comprehensible for children (Wilson 1991:557–558) in an instruction manual.
To all intents and purposes Saxony was Protestant by the end of 1527.
Luther’s best known
The university exercised a powerful attraction due to its evangelical ideas (Scribner 1987:130).
That Caspar Cruciger maintained his standing with Luther is evident from being a signatory of Luther’s will in 1542 (Luther 1865:123).
Frederick the Wise (1463–1525) housed his vast collection of questionable relics which eventually totaled close to 20 000. Prized amongst these were fragments of wood from Noah’s ark and Jesus’ crib, soot from the furnace into which the three young men were cast in Babylon, a twig from the burning bush and milk from the virgin Mary, most of which allegedly supposedly associated with some spurious apotropaic power. Significant in popular or folk religion pandering to the religious superstitions of the laity (cf. Scribner 1987 on popular religion and the Reformation as ‘ritual process’).
See the initial reaction to them early in November 1517 (Smith 1913:63–64, letter 42). On the annual reformation festival in Lutherstadt Wittenberg, especially on reformation day, the town is filled with music.
Contrast this to CXVII ‘The devil, too, has his amusement and pleasure, which consists in suppressing God’s work’ (Luther 2004:55, CXVII).
Spelman (1951:166–167) also extends the quote to include Augustine’s guilt at enjoying music, and Jerome’s condemnation thereof. In this instance Luther’s dual principles seem to have been a blend of, if it was in the Bible or not condemned or contradicted it, a matter was to be regarded favourably. Luther was 39 when he started to address the music aspect of the church (Grew 1938:71).
There is so much published year by year on Luther’s hymns that not even the annual bibliography of the
At the University of Erfurt in 1501 he was popularly known as ‘the philosopher and the musician’ (Grew 1938:70).
John Wycliffe initiated a debate of the place of music in church about 130 years before Luther broached the subject. This is a debate still active in the church, especially amongst evangelicals. Luther saw music as applied in church on the levels of folk and art music. He brought music back from the sacred to the everyday experience of the people (Doukhan 2010:189–190, 162).
‘The tunes of Luther are, like his hymns, fundamentally German … words and music are ideally matched’ (Grew 1938:74).
Luther wrote 36 hymns which in time became a national possession ‘so that his enemies said he had destroyed more souls by them than by all his speeches and other writings’ (Grew 1938:72).
Amongst his friends Luther was nicknamed ‘
This may be compared to the earlier ‘plague hymn’ written by 1519 by Ulrich Zwingli. From this hymn Locher (1981:152) is persuaded that one may discern a deep ‘personal faith in divine providence and a readiness to offer himself as an instrument of God’. This near death experience affected him deeply and allowed him to be completely reliant upon God, as Elisabeth was upon leaving the convent.
Hence called the
This hymn is regarded as belonging to Epiphany in the church calendar.
It is printed in
Other contributers were Luther (18), Paul Speratus (3), Justus Jonas (1 or 2), Erhard Hegenwald and Jan Hus (one each).
For a discussion of the reasons for anonymity and further complications about reasons for continued debate about the hymn’s authorship, cf. Haemig (2001). Haemig seems to continue the uncertainty of the authorship of ‘
See for instance Markus Jenny (1962:245, referred to in Haemig 2001:21, footnote 1).
It is sung in particular the Sunday after Epiphany.
There are differing views on whether she wrote the hymn before or after her marriage (Haemig 2001:32). The author of this article’s opinion, formed from reading is that she probably wrote it before she was married. Her dream about ‘preaching’ also emphasises her love of singing in the home.
This late accredition is a reminiscent of carving a women’s role. Katherina Zell powerfully expressed in reaction to’ those who criticised her public ministry. Addressing the immoral behaviour of catholic priests, she (quoted in Head 1990) says: ‘You remind me that the apostle Paul told women to be silent in church. I would remind you of the word of this same apostle that in Christ there is no longer male nor female’ [Gal. 3:28] and of the prophecy of Joel [2:28–9]: ‘I will pour forth my spirit upon all flesh, and your sons and your daughters will prophesy.’ I do not pretend to be John the Baptist rebuking the Pharisees. I do not claim to be Nathan, upbraiding David. I aspire only to be Balaam’s ass, castigating his master’ (p. 159). Luther also mentions her as the author of the hymn (Haemig 2001:37, footnote 84).
It is a common practice of medieval spirituality.
This is a brief summary of the article on the stanzas as analysed by Grüneklee (2012b).