Studies have shown that a preference for male children is prevalent in many parts of the world, including Africa. In Nigeria, with its patriarchal family structure, a preference for sons has become an institutionalised way of life. Hence, the Hannah narrative in 1 Samuel 1 is of high relevance in Nigeria. The story of Hannah’s barrenness has often been employed to encourage childless Christians to have faith in God for children, but not many have paid attention to her request specifically for a male child in verse 11. To this end, Hannah’s prayer for a male child is examined in this article against the context of the strong desire for male children in Nigeria. The article employed the historical-critical and descriptive methods. Apart from the exegesis of 1 Samuel 1:11, using the descriptive approach, the author interacted with and utilised relevant material on preference for male children in Nigeria. The research found that Hannah’s request for a son is consistent with the pattern of the narratives of barren mothers in the Old Testament in which all asked for male children. Hannah’s specific request for a male child is therefore a reflection of the preference for sons in ancient Israel, which derived principally from the fact that, in that society, male children were greatly desired for the purpose of the perpetuation of the husband’s lineage, as well as for land inheritance. Understanding Hannah’s prayer for a son in this way, makes 1 Samuel 1:11 relevant in Nigeria where people prefer male children for similar reasons. In view of the fact that the preference for sons has a fatal effect on female children, as well as their mothers, it amounts to women abuse, which makes it an issue of pastoral significance in Nigeria. 1 Samuel 1:11 is thus relevant in the context of marital conflicts among Nigerian Christian couples arising from male child preference. To this end, teaching to illuminate this preference for sons should form an integral part of the marriage theology of the church in Nigeria.
The article is a contribution in the field of marriage theology, in that it identifies the preference for male children as a possible factor for marital disharmony among Nigerian Christian couples.
The Hannah narrative in 1 Samuel 1 has been widely studied and preached in the context of infertility. It is usually employed to inspire hope in persons who desire to have children. It is in this manner that Hannah’s story has been written about by several Nigerian scholars (e.g. Abasili
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Several reasons are given for the preference for sons, among which are the following: ‘they have a higher wage-earning capacity, especially in agrarian economies; they continue the family line; and they are generally recipients of inheritance’ (Ben-Nun
In some African contexts ‘sonlessness’ is almost treated like childlessness. In such a patrilineal society, women with female children but without a male suffers, to a large extent, the plight of a childless woman. (Abasili
According to Mbiti (1969:143), if a woman bears ‘only daughters, it follows almost without exception that her husband will add another wife’ (cf. Milazzo 2014:7).
The aim of this article is to examine Hannah’s prayer for a male child in 1 Samuel 1:11 with a view to assessing the significance of this aspect of the narrative in the context of the prevalent desire for male children in Nigeria.
The target population is Nigerians, especially Christians who practise the preference of sons over daughters. This article employs the historical-critical exegesis for the study of the text, and the descriptive method
In the Hannah narrative, Elkanah, the Ephraimite, has two wives, Hannah and Peninnah. The latter has children, and the former does not. Because of Hannah’s barrenness, Penninah continually taunts her. Every year Elkanah, together with his family, would go to the tabernacle at Shiloh for an annual festival. At this particular festival, Hannah’s purpose is to ask God for the gift of a child. 1 Samuel 1:11 reads thus:
And she vowed a vow and said, ‘O Lord of hosts, if thou wilt indeed look on the affliction of thy maidservant, and remember me, and not forget thy maidservant, but wilt give to thy maidservant a son, then I will give him to the Lord all the days of his life, and no razor shall touch his head’ (Revised Standard Version [RSV]).
However, the concern of this article is with the subject of Hannah’s prayer, namely the gift of a child, which is expressed in Hebrew as
Most English translations agree with the RSV that, by
Hannah’s vow to dedicate her child finds support in the ancient Near East. For instance, among ‘the Hittites, people with fertility problems vowed that if the gods gave them children they would return them by allowing them to serve in the cult’ (De-Whyte
Nonetheless, when Hannah’s story is studied in the context of the narratives of barren mothers in the Old Testament (OT), her vow to dedicate the child to Yahweh was only partly the reason for asking for a son. Her story, like those of Sarah (Gn 16:1–4; 21:1–2), Rebecca (Gn 25:21–26), Rachel (Gn 30:1, 22–23), and Samson’s mother (Jdg 13:2–5), ‘employs the motif of a woman who is barren for a long while and then gives birth to a child of special destiny’ (Berlin
The narrative of Abraham and Sarah as a childless couple gives a hint as to the reason behind male preference in ancient Israel. According to the narrator in Genesis 15:2–3, Abraham feared that if he died without a child of his own, his servant, Eliezer, would be his heir. The Hebrew word rendered by most of the English translations in Genesis 15:3 as ‘heir’ is the
Property rights were concerned a woman was always a victim. In special circumstances where she was accorded equal rights with the man, it was either because there was no son or she was in a unique position like that of a priestess. (Ndekha 2013:40)
The crucial reason for the preference of sons to daughters in the ancient Near East and in Israel, particularly, is the issue of inheritance. According to De-Whyte (
Male children were preferred over and above female children [
The author is, however, quick to point out that more than the immediate economic and security reasons, the matter of inheritance was paramount. Viewed from the perspective of inheritance, ‘the definition or purpose of marriage in the ANE was a union that perpetuated the husband’s lineage’ (De-Whyte
Coppes (
The basic law of intestate succession is contained in Numbers 27:1–11. In the narrative, Zelophehad had no sons; so, after his death, his daughters demanded to be given their father’s inheritance, and Yahweh made Moses to comply with their demand (cf. Jos 17:3–6). Subsequently, the Lord set out the ‘law of intestate succession’ in Numbers 27:8–11 (Hiers 1993:125). According to this regulation, if a man died without a son, his inheritance should pass to his daughter. If he had no daughter, it should pass to his brothers. If he had no brothers, his inheritance should go to his paternal uncles. Otherwise, the deceased’s inheritance should be given to his kinsman that was next to him among his relations. As Ndekha (2013:41) observes, this ‘may have reflected [
The role of the first-born son in the apportioning of inheritance is not mentioned in Numbers 27, but Deuteronomy 21:15–17 seems to suggest that he was allotted a double portion while the others had one each. The law states that if a man has two wives of whom he loves one and dislikes the other, and each of them gives him a son and the firstborn is that of the wife he dislikes, he may not exchange the firstborn with the son of the woman he loves. He shall maintain the right of the firstborn by giving him a double portion of the inheritance. Hiers (1993:144) acknowledges that the impression that the firstborn received a double portion of his father’s inheritance may be inferred from this passage, especially in view of the reference in Deuteronomy 21:16 to the day a man assigns his possessions as an inheritance to his sons. But at the same time, he believes that this passage does not support the claim that firstborn sons were given any special recognition in the sharing of an inheritance, his premise being that no other biblical texts make reference to such a tradition. Hence, for Hiers (1993):
What Deuteronomy 21:15–17 says, in effect, is that a man may not ignore his obligation to provide his first-born son with a double portion just because he dislikes that son’s mother. (p. 144)
However, this statement has not in any way countered the fact that the firstborn received a double portion. Moreover, as Hiers himself has noted, Deuteronomy 21:16 affirms that the firstborn was given a double portion of his father’s inheritance. Wells (
Hannah’s prayer for a son, then, is best understood against this background of preference for male children in ancient Israel, particularly for the purpose of land inheritance. It is in a similar context that the text is relevant in Nigeria; hence, in the section below, this article examines the nature of male child preference in this African country.
In Nigeria, as in Africa at large, marriage is constituted primarily for the purpose of procreation. Mbiti (1969) states that in Africa:
The supreme purpose of marriage is to bear children to build a family [
In fact, in the traditional setting, the birth of the first ‘child marked the consummation of a sustained and crisis-free marriage’ (Ojua, Lukpata & Atama
This saying equates a child with
It is important to note, however, that Africans’ strong desire for children is indeed for male children (Baloyi & Manala
Take second wives because of their first wife’s inability to bear an heir. Therefore a woman with no sons … lives in constant fear of losing her marriage … to another who may be brought in to correct her ‘inadequacies’. (n.p.; cf. Milazzo 2014:7)
Whereas the male child is looked upon as the upholder of the lineage, girls are ‘perceived as expendable commodities who will eventually be married out to other families to procreate and ensure the survival of the spouses’ lineage by bearing sons’ (Igbelina-Igbokwe 2013).
In the African society, there were immediate socio-economic reasons for the preference for male children apart from sustaining the family line. Writing on the Isoko of southern Nigeria, Edewor (
… permanently in or near family compound or residence, provision of old-age security and serving as a source of defence and social prestige to parents. When young, male children render assistance to their parents in terms of helping on the farm, helping parents in their businesses, running errands and, to a lesser extent, performing some household chores.
Agbor (
Patrilineality includes passing on the main productive assets through the male line, while … patrilocality includes a couple residing at the man’s home, which goes hand in hand with inheritance especially in peasant societies where land is the main productive asset that is inherited … Women are the biological reproducers, but it is through the father that a child acquires a social identity and is incorporated into the social order. (pp. 7–8)
Thus, as in ancient Israel, in Africa, perpetuation of lineage is closely linked to inheritance. For example, in Igbo society:
Only a male child can perpetuate the family name and lineage … In addition, only a male child has the right of property inheritance from his father, otherwise his father’s property will be inherited by another male next-of-kin. (Abasili
Regarding inheritance, the Igbo has a custom that is similar to that of ancient Israel, whereby:
Inheritance rights of women are only recognized subject to certain customary celebrations … if the deceased had no male issue, his brothers or their sons will inherit him except his daughter performs the
Among the Yoruba, a male child is superior to the female in matters of inheritance, irrespective of age. However, it is not impossible for single female children ‘to inherit property, but this is not always the case for married women because of the belief that they in their entirety belong to their husbands’ (Familusi 2012:301). In view of the fact that ‘only males have the control of family landed property’ (Wusu & Isiugo-Abanihe
Preference for sons is manifest in many areas of Nigerians’ lives right from the birth of a child into a family.
No doubt, some Nigerians prefer to have a girl as their first child. For the Yoruba, for instance, it is a signal that such a couple ‘will experience
The birth of a baby boy is received with great joy; the rites are more elaborate and the mother receives huge compliments for giving birth to a male child. The dad enjoys great pride and respect with the assurance of the protection of his assets and continuity of the family line. The birth of a girl, on the other hand, is less ceremonial with reduced value attributed to the mother and the child. The reception ritual is minimal and less colorful. (p. 58)
Among the Benin people in the midwestern region, when female children are born, they:
… are derogatorily referred to as ‘half current’, a vernacular terminology used to depict the perceived notion of less virility required to birth girls, and a direct cultural allusion to [
Sometimes, the names given to male children reflect the issue of preference; among the Igbo names such as Ahamefula, Ikemefule, Eziefule, Okezie, Obilor, Obiajuru, Okekemdi and Chimankpam all ‘express the joy of the arrival of a male child [
There is evidence of gender ‘discrimination at each stage of life even after birth’ (Dadwani et al.
Preference for male children has a lot of social implications for female children, marriage, family and, particularly, women. As seen earlier, this tendency influences the behaviour of some parents, especially fathers, which often results ‘in gender biases that negatively affect girls’ and women’s welfare, health and survival’ (Agbor
[
Scholars have noticed that the desperation for male children in this way has often led to uncontrollable family size, as the many attempts to have sons lead to the birth of more girls (Agbor
… because the birth of a boy is what is seen as her passport to remaining in her matrimonial home. [
Raji et al. (
The desire for a male child has resulted in a situation where husbands keep pressuring their wives to have more children, which in turn predispose [
The authors note further that, in Nigeria, male child preference accounts for ‘female infanticide, sex-specific abortions, and pre-marital sex selection. [
It is important to note, however, that the gender-based perception about children is being altered in recent times.
Many Nigerians have come to the realisation that children are what one makes of them irrespective of gender, which has led considerably to a change in attitude towards the education of girls. For instance, in a study conducted by Agbor (
Edewor (
Nonetheless, preference for sons is still prevalent, albeit with unclear motives. In modern times, the perpetuation of lineage for the purpose of ancestral land inheritance cannot be a reason why every individual member of a family would want to have male children. This is because continuous migration has moved a high percentage of people away from their country homes to the cities and abroad, with some Nigerians completely detached from their ancestral homes. Olaogun et al. (
[
The claim that having sons will make one’s name to be remembered when one is deceased is also invalid. In most cases people bearing family names as surnames do not have any idea about the origin of the surname. This means that most people are forgotten after their departure from the earthly scene. Individuals who have continued to be remembered positively by their communities after their death earn it by virtue of their significant contributions to such communities, and not because they had sons while alive. Therefore, in modern times, male child preference is nothing more than ‘a product of patriarchal socio-cultural construction and ideology aimed at the devaluation and degradation of the female child and consequently the womanhood’ (Igwe & Akolokwu 2015:4). Regarding male child preference as a means of marginalising female children and womanhood, Nnadi (2013) asserts that:
The preference for male children results in the neglect of daughters, [
As seen in the section below, it is in this regard that the issue of the preference for sons should be of pastoral interest in Nigeria, and for which 1 Samuel 1:11 is most relevant.
In Nigeria, the Hannah narrative in 1 Samuel 1 is regularly employed in preaching to encourage childless Christians to keep trusting in God for the fruit of the womb, but preachers rarely take cognisance of Hannah asking specifically for a son in verse 11; hence, they hardly relate this verse to the context of preference for sons.
Whereas, as this study has indicated, in Nigeria, preference for male children often brings about marital disharmony, leading to the collapse of many marriages. The work also showed that it is an aspect of women abuse and discrimination against female children. Recent studies revealed a high level of conflict among Nigerian couples (Amadi & Amadi
The church, as a matter of general policy, should include the teaching against the preference for sons in all its manuals for ‘catechetical instruction and theological curricula’ (The Lutheran World Federation
In Nigeria, the Hannah narrative in 1 Samuel 1 has often been employed by both scholars and preachers to inspire hope in people who would like to have children, but not many have paid attention to Hannah’s request specifically for a male child as indicated in verse 11. This article found this verse relevant for the situation in Nigeria where the strong preference for sons is an institutionalised way of life for many people, including Christians. When Hannah’s story is studied in the context of the narratives of barren mothers in the OT, it is clear that her desire to dedicate her child to Yahweh was only partially the reason for asking for a male child. In that context, Hannah’s prayer for a male child reflects the patriarchal nature of ancient Israelite society in which male children were preferred to the female. This preference derived principally from the fact that in ancient Israel, as in the whole of the ancient Near East, male children were greatly desired for the purpose of the perpetuation of the husband’s lineage, and only sons were entitled to inherit land, except where there were no male children. Understanding Hannah’s prayer for a son against this background, makes 1 Samuel 1:11 most relevant in Nigeria where people have similar motives for the practice of male child preference. This article found that preference for male children has a fatal effect on female children and womanhood. Moreover, the reasons adduced for the practice are no longer relevant in modern times, which makes the attitude nothing more than a devaluation and degradation of female children and women. It is in this light that the preference for sons becomes an issue of pastoral significance in Nigeria, for which 1 Samuel 1:11 is most applicable.
The text thus becomes relevant in the context of marital disharmony among Nigerian Christian couples arising from the preference for sons. The verse prompts the church to make its members to come to the realisation that male child preference is a form of women abuse and discrimination against female children. To this end, teaching against the preference for sons should form an important aspect of the church’s theology of marriage in Nigeria.
The author has declared that no competing interest exists.
S.O.A. declares that he is the sole author of this article.
This article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or ‘not-for-profit’ sector.
The author confirms that the data supporting the findings of this study are available within the article.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author.
Used here simply to mean to ‘describe a phenomenon and its characteristics’ (Nassaji 2015:130).