Original Research

The struggles of imanyano yamadodana as a movement for evangelism: A case study of the Uniting Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa

Wonke Buqa

Received: 30 May 2025; Accepted: 29 July 2025; Published: 03 Sept. 2025

Copyright: © 2025. The Author Licensee: AOSIS.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Abstract

Imanyano yamadodana [fellowship of men {FOM}] was both an evangelistic movement and a sodality within the Uniting Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa (UPCSA), established to evangelise and reach out to black people within their cultural context. This study aims to examine struggles that emerged within the FOM following the 1999 union between the black Reformed Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa and the predominantly white-dominated Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa. Drawing on primary sources from the UPCSA, a literature review, and academic articles, the study investigates these struggles as premised on former denominational lines. It argues that the incessant struggles within the FOM stem from the instability of the UPCSA union, a condition of spiritual acedia, and a crisis of black consciousness. Ultimately, the argument raised a challenge about the traditional values of the evangelistic movement and highlights the need to equip the contemporary generation of amadodana [men].

Contribution: This study contributes to the mission of the UPCSA by calling imanyano yamadodana to re-centre African ecclesial identity and to reconstruct the evangelistic movement. It advocates for revitalising the black church’s mission through black consciousness and spiritual revival [imvuselelo].

Keywords: imanyano yamadodana; black spirituality; imvuselelo; evangelism movement; UPCSA struggles; ukuvangela; fellowships; black consciousness; African ecclesial identity; Vuyani Vellem.

Introduction

A tribute to uMfundisi Vuyani Vellem

This article is dedicated to the memory of the late Prof. Vuyani Shadrack Vellem, uMfundisi [reverend] of the Uniting Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa (UPCSA). Vellem’s ministerial formation and spirituality were shaped under the auspices of the Reformed Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa (RPCSA), nurtured by the spiritual vitality of amadodana. Vellem (2007:48) observes that ‘the formation of the African black church was an establishment in which the African ministers and elders would have a real voice’. These African men were oppressed, and this was the only space where they could worship God freely, fully express their spirituality, and be themselves within the religious sphere.

This article acknowledges the writings, involvement, and contributions of Vuyani Vellem to the fellowship of men (FOM). In his own words, he ‘was a pastor, manager, ecclesiastical bureaucrat, researcher and teacher’ (Vellem 2017:1). Vellem was a member of imanyano yamadodana. He presented a paper at the Mthatha Men’s Christian Guild (MCG) titled ‘The origins of imanyano yamadodana’ (UPCSA 2017:31). In it, Vellem lamented the lack of unity among amadodana and yearned for black congregations within the UPCSA to return to the foundational practices of imvuselelo, ukuvangela [to evangelise] and imijikelo [fundraising] as essential to sustaining their ministry.

Vellem consistently asserted that within the black church, there can be no imvuselelo or ukuvangela without imanyano yamadodana. As Vellem (2007:47) expressed, ‘it would equally be difficult if not impossible to understand the identity of the black church without the movement of iimanyano’.

Background

The motivation for this study arose from an interest in the historical formation of the sodality known as the ‘fellowship of men’, its significance, and the struggles it faces in contemporary times – specifically within the UPCSA. The study originated from a paper presented at the fellowship of men’s conference held in Benoni, 26–27 November 2021, titled Fellowship of Men as a movement for evangelism.¹ It reflects on the historical and current struggles of uniformed laymen in the UPCSA.

According to Duncan (2016:348), ‘Henderson and Lennox, Scottish missionaries, had confidence in the ability of the Africans to reshape Christianity in an original and meaningful way in their context’. Consequently, according to Duncan (2016):

[in] 1893 iimanyano were formed based on the case that the mission fields were passing into the hands of Native converts as pastors and office bearers – Christianity was beginning to take on a South African garb and adapt itself to the genius of the African people. (p. 349)

While missionaries may have played a role in their establishment, iimanyano were essentially African initiated, serving as a locus for African expression and evangelisation. Vellem (2007:51) supports this, noting that ‘in the year around 1870, members of the black Church were beginning to exert themselves in the evangelistic work of the Lovedale station’.

The missionary work expanded from the Lovedale missionary station (LMI Report 1875):

The Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) was formed in 1874. Its name was changed to the Young Men’s Missionary Association (YMMA) in 1876 to define its ‘aggressive character’. A systematisation of the evangelistic work took place as more advanced students of the institution were in the habit of going out to the neighbouring villages and kraals to deliver short addresses. In 1876, this systematisation of evangelistic work became apparent when about seventy young men arranged themselves in thirteen companies and visited the kraals in the zeal to spread the Gospel. (p. 14)

With the establishment of iimanyano, the spiritual vitality and growth of black congregations were rooted in the FOM, who engaged in spiritual night vigils, street revival ministries, and evangelism to non-believers (uhlaselo).² In consonance with Vellem (2007):

iimanyano is an uncoerced cultural site which gives expression to the marginalised values of the black masses and the name signifies a yearning of unity among black Africans who were fragmented by the missionary enterprise and colonial repression. (p. 54)

Furthermore, the spirit of African consciousness permeated the fellowships. Congruent with Vellem (2007:54) ‘iimanyano was a conscious spiritual movement within the blacks in protest of the calamities of the time and identifying their spiritual expression as black people in the Church’. According to Makofane and Duncan (2021:3), ‘iimanyano have historically connected with people in need and have provided pastoral, spiritual and evangelical support – this support has been, for the most part, offered through prayer and preaching’.

Black converts adopted an economic ethos of ubuntu³ to sustain their ministries. They organised imijikelo and share church responsibilities. This black church movement predated the establishment of ‘the native experiment’ (Vellem 2007:51). In affirmation, Buqa (2016) notes that a ‘large proportion of South Africa’s indigenous population has been utilising the values of ubuntu over past generations’. Such developments signalled a needed (Walls 1982):

[S]hift in orientation that was facilitated by the decolonisation of Africans from European Christianity and the growing need for cultural and spiritual freedom for Africans to secure their identity both as Africans and Christians within a context that is occasional and local. (p. 100)

Thus, a shift toward praxis-oriented faith.

Within the UPCSA, there are five primary fellowships among black congregations: imanyano yomama [fellowship of women], imanyano yolutsha [fellowship of youth], imanyano yamantombazana [fellowship of girls], imanyano yamadodana [fellowship of men], and imanyano yomculo [fellowship of choirs]. This study focuses on the FOM.

The term amadodana is widely used in the so-called mainline churches, especially in the Methodist Church of Southern Africa (MCSA), where male gospel singers are known as amadodana aseWisile,⁴ and historical account reveals its inception in the early 20th century. According to Madise and Lebeloane (2008:119), ‘in 1932, both the MCSA laymen and the black ministers together with the congregation met under one roof, adopting the name amadodana’. Generally, most so-called mainline churches use the term for their male church sodalities.

The oral tradition of amadodana as an evangelistic movement was ecumenical and adapted to promote the FOM across denominational boundaries. In Nguni languages, indodana means ‘son’ or ‘son of’, and amadodana means ‘sons’; in church contexts, amadodana kaNkulunkulu refers to ‘sons of God’. Reflecting the spiritual vanguard of African Christian uniformed men, the name amadodana⁵ was used for the FOM who vigorously preached salvation through faith in Christ to all. The intriguing aspect is that their presence not only brought revival but also embedded a tradition of charismatic spirituality within the African religious landscape. As explained by Buqa (2012):

[I]t is not determined from a theological viewpoint how iimanyano began, though stories have been told that when black people got converted to Christianity they gathered together informally in the community, evangelised and shared their experiences about God. (p. 3)

Originally, amadodana were established as African laymen ‘who never grow old’, who feel the call to evangelise, have a passion to save souls, and a zeal to proclaim the Good News. These spiritual gatherings were conducted by a FOM responded to African spirituality amid socio-economic and political crises, aiming to restore moral order through appeal to God. As Vellem (2007:48) emphasises, ‘imvuselelo is a spirituality of solidarity in a politike koinonia of a subaltern culture in trenches of poverty, suffering and social death’. The theology of amadodana was rooted in practical responses to people’s needs – restoring moral fibre, evangelism, and nurturing men as spiritual leaders within families.

Having reviewed the historical formation of amadodana as a movement for evangelism, this study focuses on ‘theory’ and ‘praxis’ in today’s FOM in the UPCSA. At the heart of the inquiry is the historical formation of the FOM and the current struggles of the FOM. Is this movement nostalgic or a FOM becoming a church power struggle? On the other hand, some may still view amadodana as a traditional evangelistic movement, but one that now struggles with spiritual substance.

Therefore, this article explores the profound struggles facing imanyano yamadodana, its ecclesial and spiritual identity, the contribution of Vuyani Vellem, and the sustainability of iimanyano in the UPCSA. Thus, imanyano yamadodana has, in many respects, become a traditional church structure whose meaning is now contested. Hence, what is the true significance of the FOM? What is their conscious identity within the church? Therefore, this article identifies the irreconcilable contradictions and internal tensions that persist within the FOM in the UPCSA. Methodologically, it draws upon primary sources from the UPCSA, as well as a literature review and academic articles, to examine these struggles as grounded in former denominational divides.

These are the questions and arguments discussed in this article. For example, Jesus’ narrative states the following:

Seeing in the distance a fig tree in leaf, he went to find out if it had any fruit. When he reached it, he found nothing but leaves, because it was not the season for figs. Then Jesus said to the tree, may no one ever eat your fruit again. The next morning, as they passed by the fig tree he had cursed, the disciples noticed it was withered from the roots. Then Jesus said to the disciples, have faith in God. (Mk 11:13–14, 20, 22)

Amid the challenges faced by amadodana in the UPCSA, there remains a prophetic voice reminding the church of its missional calling (Mt 28:16–20; Jn 20:21). Yet, for the FOM to truly function as a movement for evangelism, it must first re-centre itself on the proclamation of Jesus Christ. This is essential to re-appropriating the black church’s mission. The centrality of Christ’s proclamation is fundamental to the missio Dei, as Christian theology is founded on the person and work of Jesus Christ (Mashau 2024). In agreement with Mashau, amadodana are called to proclaim the salvation of Jesus Christ and engage prophetically with the socio-economic, political, and ecological injustices facing society.

Struggles of imanyano yamadodana as a movement for evangelism

Historically, the legacies of colonialism, apartheid, and post-apartheid developments divided South African society along political lines, racial segregation, religious affiliations, and ethnic groupings. Consequently, from the ‘1950s, social and political pressures compelled religious organisations, including Church fellowships, to shift from a revivalist emphasis to an emphasis on social protest’ (Duncan 2022:210). Nevertheless, the dawn of democracy in 1994 compelled divided groups, including church denominations with similar traditions to pursue unity. According to Duncan (2003:359), ‘in the spirit of national euphoria, which surrounded the first democratic elections in South Africa in 1994, the Reformed Presbyterian Church initiated union discussions with the Presbyterian Church’.

Some UPCSA members have highlighted the perpetual struggles of imanyano yamadodana as stemming from the instability of the UPCSA union. Several presbyteries have observed that certain UPCSA clergy are contributing to disunity and disruption within the denomination, leading to conflict within the iimanyano. In support of this, it has been noted that ‘if ministers were united, then the problems in the UPCSA concerning iimanyano would be resolved’ (UPCSA 2016:77; see Buqa 2012).

There is a common assumption that ministers operate from the premise of a calling to serve the congregation through the gospel, which fosters relationships between congregants and God, encouraging a life marked by forgiveness and reconciliation, rooted in Christ’s forgiveness and the demonstration of grace towards one another (Labuschagne & Steenkamp 2023). In response to the ongoing struggles, minutes from the FOM have stated that ‘the church should clearly define the role of a Minister concerning the work and functioning of the fellowships’ (UPCSA 2020:17). Among some black church members and clergy from the former RPCSA, there has been a recurring suspicion of the intervention of a ‘third force’ influencing the pernicious struggles within iimanyano. Subsequently, Buqa (2012) asserts that:

[T]he third force is alluded to be part of the white membership of the former PCSA that came into the union with black counterparts and are involved in denominational politics, power discourses such as leadership, succession, Church assets and financial management. (p. 5)

Former black RPCSA members often suspect that white counterparts are manipulating iimanyano to destabilise black unity and retain influence within the church. In alignment with this concern, Vellem reflects (Buqa 2022):

I can claim without blowing my own horn that I was among those who played a major role in rebuilding and re-directing iimanyano of the former RPCSA to embrace union and to unite with the equivalent iimanyano of the then PCSA. During my term as the General Secretary of the UPCSA, iimanyano were targeted to keep black people in the UPCSA divided, for truly speaking, the unity of black people in the UPCSA is a menace to the white power structure that is in control to this day. The white power structure is hidden in the spiritual realm. It is cunning, it is cruel. It is cruel, it creates its blacks and destroys the masses at the level of spirituality. (p. 2)

To mention an example: ‘problems arose in fellowships⁶ in the process of coming together, men suffered from dissension relating to issues of uniform, and this has threatened their unity’ (Duncan 2005:244). As per Duncan’s statement, since the union of the UPCSA in 1999, the FOM has faced conflicts arising from the traditional structures and cultural practices of the two former denominations: the Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa (PCSA) and RPCSA.

Labuschagne and Steenkamp (2023) opined that conflict emanates from the ambiguity around who holds decision-making authority in the church. In this context, the RPCSA was a black Scottish missionary church rooted in iimanyano, whereas the PCSA was a white-governed settlers’ church, albeit with a majority black membership (see Duncan 2005; Makofane & Duncan 2021). For some of the rural presbyteries associated with the former RPCSA, the PCSA was perceived solely as a white church; they were unaware of its black congregational presence, particularly as the PCSA was established in townships. Hence, the struggle of imanyano yamadodona persists.

Contention on uniformity and naming of imanyano yamadodana

Like other missionary-founded churches in South Africa, including African Initiated Churches (AICs) and those elsewhere in Southern Africa, most black congregations within the UPCSA wear church uniforms. According to Dube (2024:63), ‘missionaries introduced church uniforms in these churches to foster uniformity and to distinguish between Christians and non-Christians’. However, from its inception in 2006, imanyano yamadodana experienced division over issues of uniformity and naming (Makofane & Duncan 2021).

Before the union, the PCSA, Presbyterian Men’s Association (PMA), wore black jackets and white waistcoats. In contrast, the RPCSA’s Young Men’s Christian Guild (YMCG) wore white jackets and white waistcoats (Buqa 2012). Notably, the PCSA was a transnational church, including congregations in Zambia and Zimbabwe, where the standard uniform for men was white jackets but in Drakensberg Presbytery, PMA wore both white and black jackets. Dube (2024:66) explains that ‘the uniform colours represent a Christian meaning: black symbolises humanity’s former state of sin, and white signifies the cleansing brought by the blood of Jesus’.

When the YMCG and PMA merged, the MCG was established in 2006 at a denominational conference held in the Western Cape (Makofane & Duncan 2021). The MCG compromised both cultural elements and church traditions from both former denominations. However, contention soon emerged among the men regarding uniform choices and perceived dominance (Buqa 2012):

The main argument with men from the former PCSA who resisted joining the MCG was that the white jacket colour is more dominant in the MCG. It also makes them look like they are wearing the colour of the former RPCSA men’s association. On the other hand, the men from the former RPCSA felt that they had compromised more things in the union than the PCSA. The men from the former PCSA who resisted joining MCG formed the Uniting Presbyterian Men’s Fellowship (UPMF) as an alternative association against the MCG official structure of the UPCSA. (p. 84)

Regrettably, some members from the former PCSA chose not to join the newly MCG structure and instead established the UPMF – a replica of the MCG. According to a report to the General Assembly Executive Commission (UPCSA 2013):

The MCG has been substantially growing in the past few years. Despite the challenges related to the divisions amongst men, we remained on a steady growth, with younger men joining the Guild. We are even pleased that some of our brothers who disaffiliated from our Guild are steadily re-joining. (p. 110)

As mentioned above, a minority of those who had disaffiliated from the MCG eventually returned, contributing to its growth across several presbyteries. Initially, ‘the group that left the MCG named themselves “aggrieved group” before being UPMF’ (Buqa 2012:30). It is worth noting that the former PCSA referred to their men’s group as amadoda, while the RPCSA used amadoda(na). Within the UPCSA denomination, including its branches in South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, the term amadodana became standardised. Despite this, UPMF remained an unofficial structure not recognised by the UPCSA. Negotiations were eventually initiated to unify UPMF and MCG. The outcome of these efforts came to fruition in September 2019, during the UPCSA’s 20th anniversary celebration in Port Elizabeth. At that point, both the MCG and UPMF were dissolved, and a new structure, FOM, was established. It was resolved that new members would be permitted to wear any uniform, provided that no badges were included. According to the minutes of the FOM, ‘badges were surrendered by the national presidents of UPMF and MCG to the moderator of the general assembly in Port Elizabeth 2019’ (UPCSA 2020:13).

Dissension within amadodana national conference delegation

In the context of black congregations, church uniforms often carry a polarising effect. For example, within amadodana, one of the most contentious issues concerned the delegation of members to denominational conferences. It became apparent that in the FOM, the former RPCSA, consistently had a higher membership than the former PCSA. Vellem (2007:44) stated unequivocally that ‘it was impossible to separate the RPCSA from the movement of iimanyano in their strength’. In line with Vellem’s view, the former RPCSA functioned as an autonomous black church, having been thoroughly enculturated with Christianity. The growth and vitality of iimanyano within the RPCSA reflected a strong African cultural ethos embedded in the church. Following the establishment of the FOM in September 2019, a series of meetings were held to discuss ‘how will they make sure that the outcome of amadodana conferences cement the unity processes rather than divide, and whether conference processes will be top down or bottom up’ (UPCSA 2021:5). To ensure that denominational conference outcomes would foster unity, the following resolutions were adopted (UPCSA 2021):

That the conference be approached with an open mind to ensure the unity of men. The majoritarian principle should be avoided at all costs to ensure equitable representation. The presbytery delegations to the conference must have a fair mix of the former associations. That for the positions of President and Secretary, both the former associations will be reflected, i.e., if one is elected President, the other will deputise, and that the additional members must also have a fair spread. Voting during debates should be avoided at all costs. That these guidelines be sent to the Presbyteries to use as well. (p. 6)

From the outset, the matter of delegating members to the denominational conferences of imanyano yamadodana became a highly contentious issue. According to the UPCSA (2021:4), ‘the former UPMF members proposed five delegates per presbytery to attend the national conferences, and the former MCG members proposed three delegates per branch’. This discrepancy reveals that crises are an existential reality in the church and should not merely be attributed to external influences but to internal systemic challenges (Labuschagne & Steenkamp 2023).

Amadodana did not escape such internal conflict. For example, the UPCSA comprises 15 presbyteries in South Africa, each encompassing several congregations. Some members argued that limiting representation to five delegates per presbytery are not proportional to the number of branches. At the conference held in the Presbytery of Highveld (26–27 November 2021), the denominational council proceeded with the five-delegate model. However, during a subsequent denominational council in the Presbytery of the Western Cape, ‘a notice of motion came from the Reverend Matemba “Faku” Tati that the council should reconsider the delegation to the denominational conferences’ (UPCSA 2022:7).

According to the minutes of the FOM, ‘the conference deliberated vehemently on the matter of representation and eventually they resolved to have three members per branch on the denominational conferences’ (Presbytery of Amathole 2022:12). This dissension was allegedly fuelled by concerns about the dominance of the white jacket over the black jacket. For instance, Buqa (2012) argues that:

[T]he dominance of the former RPCSA members in iimanyano became a sore point to former PCSA members, even though it was inevitable that the RPCSA by far had a larger membership in the union, as compared to its counterpart, the PCSA. (p. 90)

It is also important to reiterate that, while iimanyano were officially recognised within the RPCSA, they were accorded only a secondary place in the mainstream theology of the church (Vellem 2007).

Evangelism, disputation and spiritual acedia

One of the UPCSA’s key priorities is mission and discipleship, particularly through evangelism. This is affirmed in the church’s Manual of Faith and Order (MFO): ‘it encourages evangelism as a core purpose of the Church, it develops and collects resources on evangelism and motivates presbyteries and congregations to become involved in evangelism’ (UPCSA 2007:13, 37). However, the FOM is currently experiencing internal conflict and spiritual divergence, leading to apathy towards evangelism and imvuselelo; thus, a condition best described as spiritual acedia. According to Markelle (2023:1), ‘acedia is a spiritual condition that fosters a lack of concern toward matters of faith, neglect of one’s spiritual duties, and a lack of attention to nurturing a relationship with God’. As a result, the FOM has gradually withdrawn from the disciplines of prayer, praise, and worship at men’s conferences, because the conflict within imanyano reflects the deeply human dimension of congregational life. As Maponya (2018:1) notes, ‘the church has become stagnant, and its worship in the liturgy is not missionally driven but rather mainly routine and self-serving’.

Consequently, many of the spiritual activities that once drew people to men’s conferences, such as street revival ministry, imvuselelo, and evangelistic outreach, have diminished. In some instances, this decline is linked to a spirit of disobedience and the treatment of mission work as an afterthought and an appendix to the church’s work (Mashau 2024). In their research, Ferreira and Chipenyu (2021:2–6) observed that evangelism has become a peripheral activity in many local congregations and therefore the church has lost its impact and experienced a decline. The same is applicable to the UPCSA: evangelism once defined amadodana, who pursued practical mission by ministering in taverns, taxi ranks, hospitals, schools, the house ministry, and preaching in industrial spaces and shopping centres. This was once a thriving, expansive movement. Tragically, evangelism has now become a nostalgic memory. At one point, some correspondence was received from an evangelism explosion group from the former MCG, ‘requesting the fellowship of men to embrace their project and the secretary of the fellowship of men elaborated the evangelism project’ (UPCSA 2021:10). However, ‘in a denominational council held in the Presbytery of the Western Cape this correspondence was declined’ (UPCSA 2022). In contrast, ‘a concern was raised about the content of this correspondence which by analysis was transferring ideas and activities from former MCG, instead of bringing new ideas’ (UPCSA 2022:13). Some members from the former UPMF resisted any continuing initiatives that originated from the former MCG. At the same time, the FOM was not producing innovative evangelistic proposals either. As a result, meaningful ideas were often dismissed based on denominational lines – even when such ideas aligned with the UPCSA’s vision and mission.

The UPCSA affirms that evangelism can involve many activities, all aimed at leading people into a relationship with the Lord Jesus Christ and with his church (see UPCSA 2012). However, from its inception, the FOM has resisted ministries that emerged from previous denominational structures. It is worth recalling that the MCG was originally established by the UPCSA as the vanguard structure for amadodana. When the UPMF was formed, some men from the former PCSA remained in MCG. The MCG thus retained a blend of members from the former RPCSA and PCSA and functioned as a forerunner to the present FOM in the UPCSA prior to 2019. As a result, ‘the moderator of the general assembly, the Rt. Rev Sipho “Nyambose” Mtetwa commended the work of evangelism explosion and appealed for more progressive programmes by men’ (Presbytery of Amathole 2022:11). On the other hand, some of the men alluded that a lack of moral authority contributed to the spiritual acedia within imanyano yamadodana. For example, guest speaker Mr Athi Majija observed that the spiritual formation of imanyano yamadodana was flawed: men were not being adequately trained during their probation period, while educated and resourceful men were being expedited into full membership (Presbytery of Western Cape 2025). He further challenged the lack of participation in church prayer sessions in their branches – hence the spiritual acedia.

Since the formation of amadodana as a unified FOM in 2019, there have been no imvuselelo or evangelism projects presented at denominational conferences. Instead, time has largely been spent on administrative matters, fundraising, and other formal activities. Reverend Tabani Masikane remarked that ‘the quality of the fellowship of men is becoming less spiritual concerning evangelism and discipleship’ (UPCSA 2023:22). He further indicated that the need for the fellowship to engage more faithfully in ministry. It was also noted that ‘amadodana are deviating towards gala dinners and formal receptions rather than missional work’ (UPCSA 2024:23). New members and converts within the FOM are largely unaware of the historical identity and intent of amadodana.

The need for evangelism and imvuselelo

It is stipulated by Vellem (2007) that:

[B]lack members generally distinguished the Church service patterned after the Scottish-Calvinistic liturgies from the African patterned ones by dubbing the Sunday service uleven⁷ [eleven o’clock] vis-à-vis imvuselelo [revival] usually conducted by men in an African way (isintu). (p. 50)

The amadodana worship liturgy was typically vibrant and spiritually nourishing, accompanied by rhythmic African style singing, dancing and drumming. Amadodana would do these services from church buildings to streets and house visits, responding to the need for evangelism and imvuselelo. According to Duncan (2022):

[T]he unrestrained freedom of the spirit in worship was evident only in the church associations, which, for the most part, the missionaries eschewed, particularly in their liturgy with the emphasis on imvuselelo [revival]. (p. 128)

There is an imvuselelo liturgy and style distinct from uleven – the designation for the formal, orthodox Sunday liturgical service (Vellem 2019). When amadodana led these spiritual services, iimanyano would engage in streets for evangelism – ukungena esixekweni [street revival ministry]. Imvuselelo and evangelism were led by amadodana, mostly uneducated men nonetheless drew many new converts to the church through their vanguard sermons and spiritual vitality. In accord with Vellem (2019):

Having grown up in a congregation comprising migrants mostly, I do remember how many members of iimanyano preached from the Bible they could not even read! Later on, as a pastor, I encountered an elder who could not read, but was able to lead the service on Sundays following the prescribed order of service without committing any error, as he knew exactly when Siyakudumisa [Te Deum Laudamus] had to be sung! Thoughts of coercive persuasion associated with the Reformed Tradition easily come to mind. (p. 79)

Imvuselelo functions as a powerful spiritual ecclesia ministerium addressing ethical concerns and promoting moral regeneration. It advocates against violence towards women and children, nurtures men to be homebuilders, and offers a sustainable alternative for family and community restoration. Accordingly, there is a need for imvuselelo and evangelism within the UPCSA. Additionally, during the ‘MCG conference in Mthatha, amadodana made a peaceful march against gender-based violence and presented a memorandum to the provincial commissioner of South African Police Services’ (UPCSA 2017:15). Underscoring the significance of imvuselelo, Vellem (2007:42) states that ‘the Church should be the site of imvuselelo, thus a spirituality of public life’. Many African men would be converted to Christianity through the spiritual appeal of imvuselelo and evangelism. Amadodana have long served as agents of spiritual vitality within the black church. An example of this is the twelfth denominational conference of the MCG, held in the Presbytery of the Free State under the theme ‘MCG, the Evangelist’ (UPCSA 2013). This theme was intended to be instilled across presbyteries and local branches, affirming that all uniformed men are evangelists. The conference resolved to prioritise evangelism training for MCG members and to implement related programmes. A resolution taken at the MCG conference stated that ‘MCG should be the centre of evangelisation, encouraging and engaging with all iimanyano to redirect all their efforts and resources to this mission priority of the UPCSA’ (UPCSA 2013:109).

Despite the internal challenges and divisions within imanyano yamadodana, ‘during the denominational council amadodana adopted the same vision that fellowship of men is a movement of evangelists (abavangeli) in the UPCSA’ (Presbytery of Amathole 2022:19). Notably, none of the former UPMF members opposed this vision of the FOM as a movement for evangelists. To summarise:

[T]he Drakensberg denominational conference theme ‘Christ our companion in our evangelical mission’, the fellowship of men agreed in unison that the fellowship of men should be and become an evangelical movement. (UPCSA 2024:14)

Black consciousness and spirituality of amadodana

It is both practically and theoretically impossible to separate Vellem’s spirituality from black consciousness; thus, amadodana represent an embodied voice of black spiritual awareness. Vellem’s identity was rooted in unwavering black consciousness and an unrelenting concern for the struggles of black people – both within the church and beyond ecclesiological structures. He would not endorse any church sodality that failed to embody the Jesus Christ of justice for black people and the marginalised. Thus, imanyano yamadodana formed a vital part of his spiritual growth. Vellem (2007:51) affirms that ‘associations signify a yearning for unity among black Africans who were fragmented by the missionary enterprise and colonial repression, the spirit of African consciousness permeated across iimanyano’. He consistently maintained a black-conscious spiritual identity and yearning for imvuselelo that would enable black Africans to liberate themselves from what he regarded as white pseudo-spirituality. He entrusted this consciousness to imanyano yamadodana. In imvuselelo, instruments such as drums, pipes, iron rods and clap-bags are used in conjunction with dance, jumping, interjections, trance and ecstasy, presenting spiritual healing among Africans. Moreover, John Samuel Mbiti (1931–2019) supports this, stating:

Africans dance and sing their faith, and this was demonstrated in the All-Africa Council of Churches (AACC) in Lusaka 1974 – theology and liturgy in Africa are often sung and danced rather than written and spoken. (Mbiti 1975:121)

Vellem (2007) affirms Mbiti’s position, stating that:

[S]pirituality exhibited in imanyano yamadodana is an expression of the unique black African consciousness of the ‘supersensible’ God in resistance and refutation of foreign spiritual expressions and maybe even their gods. (p. 52)

One of Vellem’s colleagues, the Reverend Thanduxolo Nkayi,⁸ reflecting on their shared journey from the RPCSA to the UPCSA, offered the following tribute (Njeza 2021):

Vellem was a living testament of what we call amadodana, an embodiment of African spirituality. The passion and zeal were demonstrated through Black Theology when he defines it by saying, there is no true Black Theology without amadodana. Amadodana were embedded in Black Theology; to him, it was a ministry of the downtrodden discipleship par excellence. For Vellem, wearing a white jacket of amadodana was not of a certain standard but a symbolism defined by the book of Revelations 7:13, ‘Who are those coming out from great tribulations, they have washed their robes and made them white through the blood of the Lamb’. (p. 12)

Nkayi’s words reflect the authenticity of a true son of the African soil. Vellem constantly challenged both theoretical constructs and praxis in his search for deeper theological meaning. He saw theological and spiritual significance in the white jacket worn by amadodana. This calls for a closer examination of the historical journey of black Christians, encouraging a rediscovery of black consciousness as a radical re-imaging of theology and African spirituality through Afrocentrism (Mpofu & Molopyane 2022). Mpofu and Molopyane highlight the significance of one’s spiritual values – values Vellem saw as diminishing, as amadodana conferences began to drift from their original spiritual purpose. Amadodana conferences, increasingly, became preoccupied with discussions, entertainment, and the inclusion of political guests; men have embraced the world and strive to live accordingly. According to Kruger (2007:2), this reflects ‘a lack of missionary consciousness and activity’. However, most devoted amadodana today are uneducated and mostly senior citizens. It has become a norm that when the schedule is delayed, amadodana would intentionally cancel imvuselelo and ukungena esixekweni to continue with the programme. This tension and indifference show a lack of black consciousness and spiritual acedia and is fuelled by the instability of the UPCSA union as well as the encroachment of modernist values.

Vellem (2007:52) argues that ‘the legitimacy of the establishment of PCSA as a church or the RPCSA as a church was not at best theological but political’. Vellem’s statement above is based on the philosophy of the apartheid epoch between black and white churches. Nonetheless, this is no longer a critical matter. Therefore, the FOM must rise above spiritual apathy, political indifference, and church power struggles, and embrace a black theological vision for imanyano yamadodana. On the other hand, spirituality remains a visible thread in African church practices and liturgies as well as the movement of imanyano. Imanyano yamadodana can serve as a source of hope and spiritual reservoir capable of reinvigorating the UPCSA. Therefore, the church needs imvuselelo and evangelism for its growth and spiritual vitality, and amadodana can be instrumental in this renewal. As Mashau (2024) states:

[T]he church is missional and therefore Christian mission constitutes the very nature and heartbeat of the church, without which any Christian church, including the Reformed church, ceases to be a church in the service of the missio Dei. (p. 2)

Therefore, Vellem (2007:53) avers that ‘the ecclesiology of iimanyano is a significant sign of sanity in conditions far more precarious and inhibiting to the sanity and sanguine integrity of a squashed people’; thus, a liberating theology that will make a sensible nexus with the liturgical expressions of imanyano yamadodana.

Unshackling imanyano yamadodana continues

In 2015, Vellem published an article titled ‘Unshackling the Church’ in which he argued that any assessment of the changes that have occurred in South Africa must be approached with a hermeneutic of suspicion – the more things change, the more they remain the same. One of the major problems among black men within amadodana, drawn from the former RPCSA and PCSA, is mutual suspicion of one another. Vellem (2015) contended that:

[T]o unshackles the church, a black theology of liberation must begin from and debunk the foundations of models of ecclesiology that are conceived on perverse theological and ideologised forms of faith that have become residually hazardous in South Africa post-1994. (p. 1)

Considering this, the present argument aligns with Vellem’s theology: imanyano yamadodana must be unshackled from the political disputation of the UPCSA union. The aim is to challenge the notion that the more things change, the more they remain the same, such as the transition from the MCG to the FOM. In practice, imvuselelo and evangelism risk becoming symbolic façades rather than dynamic movements. Therefore, there is a pressing need to unshackle imanyano yamadodana.

The FOM must recall that the movement of amadodana, known for its fervent preaching of the gospel, played a socially significant role during the revolutionary period of missionary activity. The lesson here is clear: if amadodana can become a theology of hope to the UPCSA, they should unshackle themselves from the political power struggles of the church, including the ‘third force’. The history unfolds that the black church’s strength lay in the vitality of iimanyano, even as these associations remained obedient to hierarchical church authority. In essence, amadodana is intended to be a movement of imvuselelo and evangelism serving black congregations and their communities. As such, it must be unshackled from the harmful ideologies that place one group of black members above another.

One of Vellem’s deepest concerns was the black consciousness and identity of amadodana within the UPCSA. He consistently called for black members to be unshackled from black conflicts predicated on different church denominational backgrounds – RPCSA versus PCSA. Furthermore, amadodana should be unshackled from the false consciousness surrounding church uniforms and the anxieties of symbolic dominance. Ultimately, the church of Jesus Christ is called to proclaim the Good News and grow through imvuselelo and evangelism. Vellem (2015:4) concluded with a challenge: ‘[L]et us then see if there are aspects that have continued to throttle the Church from which the Church must indeed be unshackled’.

Conclusion

This case study shows that the issue of uniform is largely a façade; the deeper concern lies in the character of members and their spiritual condition. Beneath the surface, amadodana are experiencing spiritual acedia – a dryness that stifles vitality and mission. Uniforms have increasingly become tools of division, hindering active participation in the missio Dei. Yet evangelism and mission must be embodied both in word and deed. On the other hand, Mashau (2024) affirms that the mission of Jesus Christ draws all people to his salvation, and that his lordship must be proclaimed when the church engages in the missio Dei. Within the debates surrounding amadodana, it is striking how seldom the message of salvation itself arises as a contested or central concern, particularly in addressing the contemporary challenges faced by the church. It should not be assumed that in these very spaces, there were no disciplinary matters; nonetheless, these men strive for moral formation and the nurturing of families. To give voice to those silenced within the UPCSA and to unshackle imanyano yamadodana, men must initiate projects that guide young people into responsible manhood and prepare them for meaningful membership in adulthood. Without such efforts, imanyano yamadodana risks becoming a dying fellowship, sustained only by an ageing membership.

Therefore, men’s conferences must intentionally create space for reflection, focusing not on business, but on reviving the spiritual vitality of amadodana. The FOM must be envisioned as a missional structure, aligned with the UPCSA’s mission statement (see UPCSA 2012). Furthermore, amadodana remains a predominantly black male entity, with no participation from other racial groups. Members must therefore take deliberate and conscious steps to reach out to all men, ensuring that they all understand imanyano yamadodana. This study also finds that a key error made in the re-amalgamation process from amadodana to the FOM is the failure to recognise that God’s activity is ongoing. Evangelism initiatives were subverted in this process, leading to the attenuation of both imvuselelo and evangelistic engagement. To unshackle amadodana is to return to foundational practices. This calls for an imbizo yamadodana and imvuselelo services that focus on the spiritual formation of men, free from administrative and business concerns.

The study concludes that imanyano yamadodana has historically performed a vital missionary role within the church, particularly through intensive evangelical outreach in the form of worship with the adoption of imvuselelo and umjikelo services. These efforts arose in response to urgent needs for pastoral care amid extreme poverty and racial discrimination during the missionary era.

Nevertheless, church uniforms and preponderance of fellow black members are not the substance of faith. These should not be the primary sources of struggle within imanyano yamadodana. The fixation on numerical representation has become a distraction, delaying rather than advancing the growth of the fellowship. The call remains clear: unshackling imanyano yamadodana must continue.

Acknowledgements

This article includes content that overlaps with research conducted as part of Wonke Buqa’s Master’s thesis titled, ‘Conflicts between the Church Associations of the UPCSA, with special reference to the Presbytery of Tshwane: A narrative approach’ submitted to the Faculty of Theology and Religion, Department of Practical Theology and Mission Studies, University of Pretoria in 2012. The thesis was supervised by Prof Jullian Muller. The original thesis is publicly available at http://hdl.handle.net/2263/25817. The author affirms that this submission complies with ethical standards for secondary publication, and appropriate acknowledgement has been made to the original work.

The author declares that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.

W.B. is the sole author of this research article.

This article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

The author confirms that the data supporting this study and its findings are available within the article and its references.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and are the product of professional research. It does not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated institution, funder, agency, or that of the publisher. The author is responsible for this article’s results, findings, and content.

References

Footnotes

1. The proposed theme for the conference was: ‘Finally all of you be like-minded, be sympathetic, love one another, and be compassionate and humble’ (1 Pt 3:8). However, the paper was postponed and presented to the Denominational Executive Council (DEC) held in Gugulethu, Cape Town at JL Zwane Presbyterian Church on 27–28 May 2022.

2. Ungena esixekweni: The formation of amadodana was popular on spiritual ministry that consisted of street revival where men would gather in certain places, sing vibrantly, dance, and preach in high tone. Many people would come, listen, and surrender their lives to God and become members of the church. Albeit Uhlaselo sound the same, it refers to amadodana targeting a certain individual or family to visit with the aim of converting, usually in the early morning hours. The word uhlaselo literally means attack. In this case aggression to convert.

3. Ubuntu: The maxim umntu ngumntu ngabantu articulates a basic respect and compassion for others.

4. Amadodana aseWisile: They became popular, as they are the first male church group who produced gospel songs in African amadodana rhythmic style of singing.

5. Amadodana: In isiXhosa culture, there are five categories of men: first, at the top Amaxhego [elderly men]; second, Amadoda [men]; third, Amadodana [young men], fourth, Abafana [very young men]; and, fifth, at the bottom, Amakrwala [newly initiated men]. Amadodana serves as middlemen who understand the concerns of both elderly and the youth. They are capable to teach abafana and amakrwala and, at the same time, being guided by the amadoda and amaxhego. Traditionally, amadodana are eligible to teach, guide and lead, eventually progressing according to age and izilimela [years of initiation] to amadoda and amaxhego. Amadoda and amaxhego are most seniors, more relaxed and less active. Hence, the term amadodana befits the church context.

6. During the union of the UPCSA 1999, iimanyano were called ‘associations’; as from September 2019, it is called ‘fellowships’.

7. The normal time of Sunday presbyterian worship service in Scotland and African people from RPCSA adopted the same time. It is alleged that in Scotland, it is cold, and farmers would start in their fields before attending church services.

8. The Reverend Thanduxolo Mabandla Nkayi is Vuyani Vellem’s best friend from his early ministry until Vellem’s death. Reverend Nkayi is stated on Vellem’s PhD acknowledgment (2007:viii). He wrote this eulogy during the presentation of the paper by the Reverend Dr Malinge Njeza in memorial lecture of Vuyani Vellem in 2021.