International migration refers to the movement of people from their places of origin to destinations across international borders (IOM 2015:35). When people engage in international migration, they are confronted with culture shock as they move from familiar to unfamiliar environments with distinct ways of life. Brinkmann (2017:31) concedes that defining culture is difficult, as anthropologists and sociologists offer varied descriptions. This article adopts the view that culture is a set of beliefs, values, customs, and practices that define a specific society (cf. Brinkmann 2017:31–34). To use Brinkmann’s (2017) words:

This epistemological source is what Neo-Calvinist theologian Kuyper (1931 [1898]) refers to as the root of a people’s life, suggesting that culture is not merely a set of habits but an expression of a worldview rooted in one’s religious or foundational convictions. Anthropologist Cristina De Rossi provides a comprehensive list of these cultural aspects, noting that culture ‘encompasses religion, food, what we wear, our language, marriage, music, what we believe is right or wrong […] and a million other things’ (Live Science 2017). Because nationalities do not share identical cultural aspects, migrants encounter differences that trigger extreme discomfort, uncertainty, and disorientation (Australian Cultural Orientation Program [AUSCO] n.d; Çiftçi 2021:715). Berry’s (1997:13) seminal work on acculturation strategies explains that culture shock is often the result of ‘acculturative stress’, where the migrant struggles to balance maintaining their original culture while participating in the host society.

As migrants feel worried and homesick, their psychological health and relationships suffer (AUSCO n.d.). Coping with this, requires immense effort (Çiftçi 2021:718). Frameworks from AUSCO (n.d.) and WorldRemit (2023) identify four phases of culture shock: honeymoon (euphoria), culture shock (crisis), adjustment (recovery), and mastery (biculturalism). In the crisis phase, immigrants face practical problems like language barriers and unemployment, leading to ‘disappointment, frustration, embarrassment, fear, anger, guilt, nostalgia, irritability or depression’ (AUSCO n.d.).

Bavinck (2008) offers a theological perspective on this struggle through the lens of ‘common grace’. He argues that while all cultures possess God-given value, the displacement of migration disrupts the organic unity of a person’s life within their original sphere. This disruption necessitates a painful period of adjustment as the migrant learns the social values and rules of the host nation (AUSCO n.d.). Çiftçi (2021:715) notes that immigrants are vulnerable because they, ‘have lost their roots and memories and do not feel like they belong anywhere’. To adapt, the immigrant must essentially create a ‘new character’, a process requiring serious training and communication. As Çiftçi (2021:718–719) observes, ‘the troublesome process of migration and the phase of getting used to new life are overcome by communication’.

However, the underlying question remains: How do immigrants successfully navigate this life when hampered by language barriers? (cf. Gogolin 2002:17; Griffiths & Moll 2022:156; Krumm & Plutzar n.d.:2). From a Kuyperian perspective, language is not just a tool but a vital part of, ‘sphere sovereignty’, allowing families to function as a stable unit within a larger society. The next subsection will elaborate on language as the primary cultural hurdle that complicates adaptation and integration in foreign contexts.

Brodowicz (2024a) and Krumm and Plutzar (n.d.:2, 13) note that many immigrants initially struggle to communicate in the languages of their host countries, yet it is a critical factor in gaining access to social and economic integration. Thus, although immigration can be perceived as an exciting adventure, it can be a difficult transition that is associated with language barriers (WorldRemit 2023). In most cases, most immigrants, whether voluntary or involuntary, arrive in the destination countries with little or no local language proficiency (WorldRemit 2023). In corroboration, Krumm and Plutzar (n.d.) note that:

Nevertheless, one should be cognisant that immigrants can communicate just like any other person, but in languages that are different from those of the host nations (Krumm & Plutzar n.d.). However, in most instances, the immigrants’ risk being misunderstood and misinterpreted, as they may not be able to communicate clearly and effectively. This not only affects immigrants’ personal relationships with others (which hampers their acceptance and integration into the new societies), but it also affects their business interactions, workspace interaction, and the way they are perceived in institutions, such as banks, schools, and healthcare facilities. Language barriers also make it difficult for immigrants to access services, such as accommodation, employment and healthcare (Nunez 2014).

In an article titled ‘Language Barriers Among Immigrant Communities’, Aining (2023) notes that language barriers limit immigrants from accessing better job opportunities and quality health care services. In most instances, immigrants with low proficiency levels in native languages are excluded from jobs that require fluency. Further, employers may not be comfortable offering employment to immigrants who do not speak local languages because they will struggle to fit into the workspaces, thereby negatively affecting productivity (Nunez 2014). Given this trend of thought, immigrants are most likely to encounter discrimination in job hiring processes, thereby reducing their chances of securing jobs in the formal sector (Nunez 2014). In that regard, they are relegated to doing low-paying menial jobs that require little communication and interaction with other people (Nunez 2014).

In countries like South Africa, some employers are often accused of exploiting vulnerable immigrants by paying them wages that are below the statutory minimum benchmarks (cf. Abel 2017:1–42; Crush & Williams 2001:8). Thus, most of the immigrants who do low-skilled jobs in South Africa, supplement their incomes by working multiple jobs; this causes them to burn out, as well as strain their social lives, as they hardly spend enough time with their families and friends (Magezi 2018:222–223). Unfortunately, most of the immigrants in this category may not be able to understand wage laws, safety regulations, and workplace policies; they hardly seek recourse when they are either mistreated or exploited by the employers (Aining 2023). Notably, as described below, language barriers limit immigrants from accessing quality healthcare (Aining 2023):

Buarqoud (2018:n.p.) aptly defines language barrier as follows:

The foregoing definition perceives language as the most powerful tool of communication at any given time, and its purpose comprises the following (Buarqoud 2018):

Thus, Buarqoud (2018) argued, linguistic barriers are crucial, mainly because:

If this is granted, the issue of a language barrier can be considered as one of the biggest challenges for immigrants, because it can result in discrimination in terms of access to services and employment opportunities. This subjects immigrants to psychological challenges, as the resultant misunderstandings and misinterpretations can cause frustration, conflict, and social isolation (cf. Aining 2023).

On the other hand, the issue of language differences might lead to resentment of foreign nationals. For example, the natives may get frustrated by continually accommodating ‘speechless’ immigrants. Language is a very important prerequisite in the process of the immigrant integration into local institutions, communities, and societies (Krumm & Plutzar n.d.:13). For instance, Aining (2023) helpfully observes that:

In this case, I agree with Brodowicz’s (2024b) understanding of language as the source of all people’s cultures, as contended below:

In light of the foregoing discussion, scholars such as Wunseh (2018:55) and Griffiths and Moll (2022:156) argue that adult migrants struggle to adapt, while migrant children are capable of quickly and easily blending into new cultures and lifestyles. Consequently, the next section aims to establish what young migrants were doing to help their parents and relatives to adapt to new environments.

In their qualitative article titled, ‘What about the family? The role and meaning of life in the integration of migrant children: Evidence from Slovenian schools’, Medaric, Gornik and Sedmak (2022:5) reveal that older immigrant children in Slovakia help their younger siblings with their homework. For example, a 13-year-old girl from Kosovo, who had been in Slovenia for years, was cited as saying (Medaric, Gornik & Sedmak 2022):

Firstly, immigrant children assume this role because most of their parents struggle with the language of the host country, which makes it impossible for them to help their children with their school activities effectively. In Immigrant parents: How to help your child succeed in school, O’Brien (2008) underscores how language barriers make it difficult for immigrant parents in the United States of America to support their children with their education, as elaborated below:

Thus, in countries such as Slovenia, older migrant children help their younger siblings because they understand the language of the host nation better, as they would have been taught in a local language and, consequently, they are more adept at using it for learning and communication purposes (cf. Medaric et al. 2022:5ff.).

Crush and Williams (2001:8ff.), Abel (2017:1–42), and Magezi (2018:222–223) argue that many immigrants in South Africa find it difficult to get employment in the formal sector, which offers decent salaries. Thus, as a coping mechanism, some immigrant parents supplement their low (meagre) wages by taking up multiple jobs (Faull 2023:2; Magezi 2018:222–223). This demanding work schedule creates a critical lack of time for parental engagement. Indeed, the issue of lack of time is rife among immigrant parents in South Africa, who are often unable to help their children with school activities due to work and other commitments.

Secondly, the education systems and curricula of the host country might differ from those of the immigrants’ native countries (Medaric et al. 2022:5). Thus, due to these differences, it follows that older children, who have gone through that same education system of the host nation, are in a better position to assist their younger brothers and sisters (Medaric et al. 2022). Given all these dynamics – the lack of parental time and the older children’s familiarity with the local curriculum – it is apparent that the older children can play important roles in assisting their families to cope with the complexities of living in foreign countries (cf. Faull 2023). However, in a study titled ‘Immigrant gaps in parental time investments into children’s human capital activities’, Ferrer and Mascella (2022; cf. Bornstein, Bohr & Hamel et al. 2020:6) note that some immigrant parents in Canada invest enough time in their ‘household production or child service’ (such as assisting their children with their school activities).

It is my firm conviction that when young immigrants assist their younger siblings with their school activities, they allow their parents to juggle multiple jobs, which enables them to meet the basic needs of their families. In this case, one can argue that young people can assume domestic leadership roles that can stabilise families. However, immigrant parents should be aware that they are their children’s first and primary educators, and therefore their support of their children’s achievement in school is critical, so they should help them with their school activities at home (O’Brien 2008:315). However, due to the reasons highlighted in this section, immigrant children are playing a critical role in stabilising their families in the context of education. This means that migrant ‘families have to face their own acculturation processes and reorganize their roles in the host society’ (González-Falcón et al. 2022:1).

Parental involvement in their children’s education is defined as ‘the resources parents invest in their child’s learning experience with the goal of children’s academic and/or behavioural success’ (Medaric et al. 2022). Such support involves helping children:

Unfortunately, the literature does not stipulate how immigrant children support each other in some of the above-mentioned situations, such as communication with teachers and attendance at school events. Hence, I suggest that qualitative studies can be conducted to determine the comprehensive roles that older migrant children are taking to support their siblings’ education.

A study by Melander and Oksana (2023) noted that migrant children, born and raised in Poland and Romania, translated and interpreted for their parents and other immigrants in housing cooperative meetings. The children also spoke to civil society organisations on behalf of their parents. Some of the activities that these children were doing on behalf of their parents and relatives include the following (Melander & Oksana 2023):

Based on the above discussion, the role of migrant youth has inverted: they are transforming from recipients of care into care providers. This organic process, where young people become family leaders due to their quick adaptation, challenges scholars to reimagine the role of the Church’s youth ministry in migrant communities. Church youth ministry – a specialised area focused on the holistic development, spiritual formation, and pastoral care of young people (Barna Group 2023; Clark 2011) – must now capacitate young migrants to take on community and family leadership roles. The following section will therefore discuss the current actions of youth ministry and propose strategies to position young migrants for instrumental caregiving roles within their families.

The ministry must address the pervasive language barrier that restricts migrant parents’ access to job opportunities, quality healthcare, and their ability to provide effective educational support. Recognising that older migrant children often step in to stabilise the family by assisting younger siblings with schoolwork – thereby creating opportunities for parents to work multiple jobs – the Church should formally strengthen this capacity by way of:

This emphasis on empowerment aligns with the views of various scholars, who note that when migrant youth adapt quickly and are empowered, they ‘can yield positive contributions to the economy, development and cohesion of the countries of origin and destination’ (IOM 2020:32). Likewise, Msebi (2021:5) argues that ‘churches need to ensure that young people are trained, equipped and given opportunities to serve’.

A central element of empowering vulnerable migrant families is providing them with access to critical information. The youth ministry should initiate capacity building and intraformational awareness programmes:

By empowering the youth with this knowledge, the church positions them to perform instrumental caregiving and leadership roles – not just as tutors or childminders but as reliable navigators who can lead their families to the correct institutions when challenges like xenophobia, legal issues, or accommodation problems arise. Community empowerment is achieved through this ‘community participation, capacity building and access to appropriate information’ (Ahmed & Abu Talib 2016; Manyaka-Boshielo 2018:5; Van der Westhuizen, Smith & Beukes 2019:3).

The church youth ministry should leverage its institutional influence to address financial stability – a major source of stress for migrant families.

This economic empowerment eases the financial burden on parents, potentially reducing the need for multiple jobs, and allowing adults more time for social life, language classes, and involvement in their children’s school activities, thus creating a holistic environment for adaptation and family stability (IOM 2020:32; Manyaka-Boshielo 2018:5; Msebi 2021:5; Van der Westhuizen et al. 2019:3).